Emergence of Privatization Phenomenon in Recent Years

The expectations of this group are define largely by the traditional concept of "management." In the historic their positions have a bun in the oven brought job security and privileged working precedents: in bad times workers get laid off, not managers. They have been part of the "family" of management, trusted to do their jobs and, in return, offering obedience and commitment to the company. But semiprofessional workers of all sorts are before long experiencing new levels of uncertainty. At the same time that the baby-boom generation is get in mid-career, corporations have embarked on an unprecedented and often ruthless restructuring of their pink-collar and management staffs. . . . The tension is increased by the fact that more semiprofessionals are at the center of the most dynamic and cultivatable parts of the economy. These are " noesis workers," who are frequently envisioned as the saviors of American competitiveness (Heckscher, 1988, p. 240).

When high-tech workers entered the workforce, displacing unionized manual-labor workers, they did so with little regard for the displacement. Meanwhile, the unions greeted them with hostility. What should have happened is that the unions should have courted and organized the knowledge workers, to forestall precisely the situation described above. It did not happen, scour though high-tech workers are in the psychological condition that motivated the organization of

Although the issues ring privatization of government services are contentious, the trend toward privatization has increased in recent years. In 1994, Indianapolis, Indiana, awarded a five-year service shoot to a privately owned sewage-disposal firm (Indianapolis, 1994). The projected saving to the urban center was $65 trillion over five years, $12 million of that in the first year alone. The transfer of service resulted in job loss by 122 city employees; however, reportedly 80 of those employees were reassigned to other city jobs. In California, medical services once provided at county level in Santa Barbara, San Diego, and Orange counties are not provided by private firms or the University of California (Cheevers, 1995). Cheevers continues:

Dickerson, J. F. (1994, whitethorn 23).

drive away not, want not. Time, 143, 29-30.

Seader, D. (1994, May). Cities wrestle for the best deal. American city & County, 109, 16.

Shea, L.R. (1995, May 1). Union protests MBTA plan privatizing routes seen as job threat. Boston Globe, p. 18.

"City Hall has its agenda. The headmasters have their agenda. The school department has its agenda. Our facilities management site has its agenda. Each group wants a particular segment of our contract so they can do what they want to do, and sometimes, they're at odds with each other" (Lupo, 1995, 1; 6).

Such rhetoric strongly implies that the principal threat to the welfare of American workers is the nasty reference book of American employers. Would that it were. Demonizing bosses may be cathartic, but labor's problems arise from the more and more open and deregulated valet de chambre, featuring the unimpeded mobility of capital and the sudden entry into the world labor market of more than a billion Chinese and others. Sweeney and his allies speak of sit-down strikes and other civil disobedience to protest layoffs or resistance to unionization. such theatrical play might help energize attempts to organize the unorganized (for example, poultry workers
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